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How to Create Password Protected Zip Folder on your Mac. To begin you need to select the file or folder you wish to archive and right-click it. You will have to use the Terminal utility to unlock the archived file(s). Here's how.

And It is hard to come to a very new country that I have never ever came before. But "Let your faith be bigger than your fear". It is hard but It is possible, I can do it so you can. God loves me, love you, love each of us, Thy will protect us for our righteous choices. Pray in every mornings and nights and wherever, whenever you need the guidances or simply you need peace for your soul. Writing down things you need to do. Things I love to do are.

It will help people in need. The time you wait for your mission makes you stressed out sometimes, there are many many things you need to complete and you may not know how to make it done at all.

Đại đức Thích Nhật Từ nhận bằng tiến sĩ danh dự của đại học Mahakakut, Thái Lan

But wait, you are called by the Lord through Thy prophet, nothing can prevent you from this awe-som-est calling. Talking with your bishop, asking the returned missionaries RM around you, they are willing to help you out. We are here to help each other growing up, right?!? Don't think that you bother your brothers and sisters, you will not know how meaningful their advices for you are.

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I planned just write email for some of my closet friends and then I felt "why don't I let all of my gmail contacts know about my mission updated? Here is one of my favorite advices from another branch president there are only 2 branches in my city now He said:. My baptism with my Mama and My little sister 3 on the left side. Every one in this photo were smiling because they are so happy although they did not really pay attention to the camera!!!

Saturday, February 28, Before Mission days left. In 10 more days, this young girl, I mean, I, yes me, will be a full-time sister missionary of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints for 18 months. Oh my heaven! I am still so surprised. It will not be easy but it will be the best. I am preparing to pack, meet some friends, relatives and keep calm!!!!

I can not forget the feelings that I have had from the moment holding the mission call envelope in my hand: happy,nervous, curious,freak out, excited, bored, while waiting for visa, nothing much to do, no work, I can feel almost the feelings in this world just within 4 months. Talking about UK visa, it is totally different with what I heard about.

I was interviewed through an sudden call by the embassy in Ha Noi after exactly 1 week submitting the application. I just felt I was so lucky not to be interviewed for visa. Sound like i was too nervous but practice is necessary. I tried to keep clam as quick as possible to answer their questions. The important thing is let them know about my purpose on my mission and confirm that I surely come back to my country after 18 months.

They are angels on earth that I am so blessed to know. While preparing for those visa stuff, branch president, the senior couple missionary, the mission office in cambodia, they helped a lot. I would be lost without them. Try my best and believe in Heavenly Father's plan for me.

Waiting is hard, sometimes negative thought come into you. Things I did to save myself is praying, reading scriptures, coming to church, sharing those feelings with people I trust, listening their advices, listening to the Holy ghost, listening to my heart, smiling, laughing, singing, travelling. They all work. Travelling, I challenged myself to travel with no-money-in-my-pocket no advised. Elder and Sister Hymas invited the members to join with them.

I brought some candy, cracker, water, clothes, medicine, fone, ear-phone, low battery camera and my happiness, that is! If you want to be happy, you can be happy. It was a good trip to me, everything is interesting. Elder Hymas shared a short thought: Life is not easy, that is reason why we are here to help, to lift up other's lifes. Thank you for this cool article! I found a lot of necessary information for my work!

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Information provided: A highlighted count of the number of publishing-related jobs in the queue. How old the most recent publish job was added. How long ago the oldest publish job was added. A quick look at any non-publishing workers in the queue.

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Reply Great tool and point of view on technical side. Reply Thanks for sharing this amazing video. Reply Great site and a great topic as well I really get amazed to read this. Reply I found a lot of useful and interesting information! He suggested that the pre-colonial history of this region was marked by features such as a plural society, previously considered by others as products of the modern colonial era. Acting in the name of modernity, they had been unequal to capturing the essence of the region or harnessing its potential Brocheux Yet as can be seen, this body of work entails a great range of assumptions.

It reflects inequalities in the power to speak or make oneself heard. This is the bind confronting the anthropology of plural modernities. Indeed the diverse societies of the world have been unified temporally but at the cost of being understood within a Euro-American time frame: that is, difference is assigned contemporeneity by its points of reference to the presumed heartland of modernity.

Although motivated by the critical concerns of Said and Fabian, the anthropological literature pluralising modernity arguably has continued to function as an ideology expressing and endorsing geopolitical inequalities in terms of time. Such theories have been articulated in centres of concentrated information, capital and power.

Those resources are funnelled into designating the rest of the world as beholden to these places for their contemporeneity. Remarkably little has changed since political inequalities were considered temporal deficits, a view by which half the world was colonised.

Such solutions to the problem of assigning time to place have overlooked the simple question: is this the way those whom they describe would render their world? Similarly, these anthropologists may have taken to the study of other societies the a priori assumption of their own identity as modern, imagining themselves as agents or emblems of modernity. There seems little need for anthropology, a discipline based on fieldwork, to be transfixed by the unitary world proposed in the post-cold war explosion of writing on modernity.

The challenge for anthropology is whether its symbolic constructions are sufficient to render the complexity of our world or, if they are not complicit in the denial of difference, the collapsing of time and the silencing of voices. There is an urgent need to seek out alternative sites than the ones from which social theory is enunciated, to enquire whether existence is articulated in such ways.

In so doing, they often appear to position themselves in a universal time frame, in contrast to those who would pluralise modernity. However, the net effect of listening to these dispersed voices explodes the unitary assumptions of this trend in social theory. Indeed, because a unitary vision of time is endorsed, the multiplication of referents against which such views are enunciated shatters the impression of global historical time as ontology and replaces it unmistakably as a discourse, or a language game: a tool by which to orient oneself in time or in space.

This is to understand the concept of modernity, whenever it is used, as an imagined condition10 rather than an objective reality, a symbolic resource as distinct from a constituted event, an epistemology rather than an ontology of temporal difference and an ideology rather than an objective process.

Anthropology, a discipline motivated by the plurality of visions as to what it means to be human, is a suitable vehicle to explore variation in the use of temporal schema: an attribute of the ongoing process of decolonising the world. In this it joins company with the comparative study of intellectual history which has investigated trajectories of thought in different local contexts. The field for study opened up by such a fusion of methods is broad and offers great comparative scope.

Their counter-readings of identity were in turn challenged, as well as evolving to fit changed circumstances. This clearly was the case in Vietnam, which illustrates that the appropriation of colonial categories of time was not singular, but multiple, shifting and contradictory. Arriving in Vietnam scarcely allowed me to leave the theorising of modernity behind as an ephemeral and moreover inconclusive concern of armchair theorists.

Disagreements over its referents were commonplace. Such terms were common in everyday use and they were distinctive to an ear trained to accord equivalence to human variation. Russians, French, Americans, Japanese and Taiwanese were often included in these designations. Vietnamese people have not always ranked social systems by such temporal schema. Before French colonialist ideology achieved dominance, the political order in Vietnam had been undergirded by a neo-Confucian philosophy that ranked societies according to their grasp and exemplification of the principles of right understanding and selfcultivation.

Geopolitics was understood in such terms. Many Vietnamese elites looked to China for the political philosophy that underlay local institutions. As Woodside observed, included in the list of Vietnamese vassals were not only the neighbouring polities of Cambodia, Laos and the highland societies, but also England and France Woodside This official view was frequently challenged even at the level of the political centre14 and certainly at the margins of the kingdom by a mix of old and new ideologies, which ordered space and social collectivities in non-orthodox ways, with varying degrees of success at deflecting or hijacking the centralising tendencies of the court.

French colonisation brought a distinct way of ranking societies in space, according to the notion of civilisation or progress in historical time. It was the most ideological variant of this conception of time, Social Darwinism, which naturalised differentials of power as evolutionary outcomes, that achieved the biggest impact among Vietnamese thinkers.

Social Darwinism arrived in Vietnam around the end of the nineteenth century, via Chinese writings which emphasised national rather than social struggles for survival. It was less a fatalistic doctrine of the strong crushing the weak, than a doctrine outlining the terrain and the rules of the game by which nations who sought to survive had to play Shiraishi Masaya Phan Boi Chau — might have been the first Vietnamese to internalise this ideology, situating Vietnam within a linear narrative of world time.

In an inversion of Hegelian spatial ranking, this eastward movement was conceptualised as a journey forward in time. Phan Chu Trinh — , an anti-colonialist reformer of similar stature, was equally influenced by Social Darwinism. To propagate his vision for the modernisation of Vietnamese society, he helped found the Dong Kinh Nghia Thuc school in Hanoi in , and contributed to its curriculum.

Phan Chu Trinh was to tirelessly promote van minh as a process of self-improvement, according to which the achievements of Europe and Japan were considered exemplary. In the minds of these activists, Europe or Japan had replaced Imperial China as the exemplary political order. Coinciding with the internalisation of ideas of unilineal world time, this placed Vietnam into temporal deficit in relation to the imagined modernity of France or Japan.

In its wake, religious and new political movements flourished in Vietnam as they did globally. These reflected a general questioning of a bloodstained Europe as the pinnacle of modernity towards which all societies were moving. In Vietnam, the ideal of progress, emancipation and the ideals of the French Revolution remained strong, however after the war, Vietnamese increasingly disavowed French colonialism as exemplary in this respect.

Many shared the idea of Phan Boi Chau who, at his trial in , disputed French colonisation was synonymous with van minh Marr In the s Vietnamese who had lived and studied in metropolitan France, such as Nguyen Anh Ninh19 and Nhat Linh20 voiced trenchant criticisms of colonial double standards. The success of the Russian Revolution seized the imagination of many who were seeking alternative models of political emancipation and they saw its achievements as relevant to Vietnam. Intellectual histories of the post-World War I period in Vietnam characterise a progression in anti-colonial appropriations of the idea of modernity, from idealism and radicalism, towards sophistication and pragmatism.

However, they were themselves outflanked in political effectiveness by those belonging to the Indochinese Communist Party. What had been conceived of as a struggle with, or through, time became a struggle over the definition of time. It was to culminate, according to her Weberian routinisation narrative, in disciplined, organised revolutionary activity Hue Tam Ho Tai These intellectual histories begin with initial grapplings by Vietnamese anticolonialists with the temporal schema invoked to justify colonialism.

Ubiquitous public broadcasting speakers filled early mornings and dusks with uplifting slogans. Both prescriptive and descriptive, socialist realist murals suggested that an ideal, electrified, orderly, industrialised and civilised future had already been obtained. Freshly painted billboard images, which towered high and stretched wide inevitably caught the eye and displaced more dreary backdrops especially in rural areas. However, the communist view of themselves as temporally equivalent or more advanced than France, or other nationalist groups, had the greatest impact in areas where the party could mediate perceptions, which until had been far from everywhere.

What is to be said about those places which remained beyond party control? While recuperating Vietnam from the colonial time frame, the views of the communists represented only one element in the Vietnamese multiplication of colonial time. If the complex nature of space is restored, such narratives look incomplete. The protagonists who feature at the commencement and conclusion of most narratives of the reception of the idea of modernity in Vietnam hailed from beyond the region of southern Vietnam. Phan Boi Chau and Phan Chu Trinh, with whom accounts usually begin, were natives of central Vietnam, a region formerly settled by the Chams and wrested from the Vietnamese in turn by the French.

The mandarinate had long been a key employer of local sons, even under the French, who were to initially administer the region indirectly. Both Phans were scholars who had been educated in the Chinese classics in preparation for bureaucratic careers. Their reformism was mediated by Chinese reformists; their metaphors for the problems of society and the confrontation with the West were deeply influenced by the images that had evolved in a distinct Chinese context.

This was a familiar mode of distinguishing themselves among local consociates and rivals: by their superior grasp and didactic wielding of esoteric foreign doctrine. Ho Chi Minh, the crucial figure associated with the importation of communist doctrine to Vietnam—a view which was to replace France with the distant USSR as a symbol of achieved modernity—was a native of the same central region of Vietnam. Like the two Phans, Ho Chi Minh had wielded this prestigious foreign ideology to excoriate domestic rivals. Intellectually it was relatively heterogeneous.

Ideologies such as Theravada, Mahayana, and Pure Land Buddhism, Islam and Christianity, along with secret societies and apocalyptic movements jostled side by side and rivalled neo-Confucianism, which never came close to establishing a hegemonic status in the region.

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Being geographically more amenable to the type of economic programs favoured in the course of French imperial expansion, southern Vietnam experienced the greatest impact of capitalism, commercialisation, urbanisation and a bustling traffic in new intellectual movements. Before either of the two Phans had learnt to put brush to paper, the import of French culture was being digested and explained in encyclopedic scope by accomplished local mediators such as Paulus Tinh Cua — and Truong Vinh Petrus Ky —98 , employing genres as diverse as dictionaries, short stories, newspaper articles, essays, textbooks and primers Jamieson ; Nguyen Van Trung Under French direct rule, southern Vietnam continued to provide better opportunities for debate, publishing and political dissent than the other parts of the former kingdom Hue Tam Ho Tai Whereas Phan Boi Chau had operated surreptitiously and from abroad in Japan and China, the very techniques meetings, newspapers, speeches, fundraisers by which his ideas were propagated in southern Vietnam, and the strong support received from the southern bourgeoisie, were indicative of the existence there of some of the very freedoms and social forms he was fighting for in his native central region Marr In the s and s, southern Vietnam continued to be a place of undeniable intellectual ferment: a crucial site for dissemination and evaluation of the idea of modernity and divergent claims as to where it might be best exemplified.

Accounts of Saigon in this era dwell on the publicised debates, the political movements, symbolic events, and the charismatic intellectual and political figures of the city. These accounts sketch a portrait of Vietnamese people seizing the terms of the debate, thinking critically about their past and their future alternatives and exposing colonialism to some of its most graphic denunciations. Narratives which construe the rise of the Communist Party as the outcome of this process depend crucially on reference to the Saigon of the s to s.

In the early s a great many local ICP members and supporters had just been led to their deaths and imprisonment in the failed Southern Uprising of Vietnamese anti-colonial intellectuals were supposed to have become more effective and pragmatic, exemplified by their acceptance of communist organisational discipline. To the contrary, the communists in the extreme south were plagued by a series of further tactical miscalculations and political failures, such as the politically disastrous elimination of domestic rivals in the wake of the August revolution, their failure to secure an effective coalition with southern-based political and religious movements, or to secure control of Saigon during the anti-French war — On the eve of the French withdrawal in , the communists had failed to distinguish themselves as successors to colonialism in the extreme south of the country.

Over the next two decades they fully exposed the political and military weaknesses of the RVN government, whose seat Saigon lay in this region, but struggled to make themselves politically relevant to the majority of the population. Ultimately their control over this region was only established in a full-scale invasion from the North: hardly an evolution in consciousness. By contrast, southern Vietnam in the late-colonial, early postcolonial period was a place where thinking about modernity remained heterogeneous, fertile and in flux.

In a number of those versed in Marxist voluntarism went north and a crucial injection of committed anti-communists came south. Communist-led resistance to this cohered in the NLF, which attempted to co-ordinate a range of grievances and motivations in political and military opposition to the government.

Amidst the ravages of war, mourning the loss of ties to land, and in a city of refugees, foreign troops, mushrooming shanty dwellings and social upheaval, many urbanites did not affiliate with any of these alternative frameworks. Instead many of them plunged into a world of medieval romances, adventure stories and fabulous tales Vo Phien ; Hoang Ngoc Thanh They ran parallel with the trajectory being followed by the communists who were attempting to realise their vision of a socialist modernity in the northern half of the country. To present the communist elaboration of the idea of modernity as the end point in its Vietnamese reception is to repeat the exclusions effected by the communists in the post-war years, who were to declare departures from the Democratic Republic of Vietnam DRV experience as invalid, displacing developments occurring in non-communistcontrolled territory from the status of the modern.

In response, the prestige of the northern-based regime as the culmination of modernity was to erode and alternative interpretations began to be heard. It is this history, which illustrates the value of seeing modernity as a discourse of identity, which forms the topic of this book.

The denial of the modernity of such phenomena excluded the territory formerly under the Republic from the accomplished modernity officially attributed to the rest of the nation. Chapter 2 discusses the rethinking that occurred in the wake of the failure to transform the South according to the DRV blueprint. This reopened the question of southern temporal difference. Within official circles some were to revalidate US-era developments in the former South Vietnam as emblematic of what Vietnamese modernity might mean.

Some came to see that this region possessed distinctive attributes which explained its successes. However, significant conservative reactions to rapid and unauthorised change were also to come from Ho Chi Minh City itself: supposed paragon of Vietnamese modernity. In response to the forces of change unleashed upon this southern metropolis, many southern urban intellectuals were to construe their home as a place of threatened tradition. Chapter 5 pursues these same questions in a rural context.

Their characterisation of their home as a former cradle of cosmopolitanism and enlightened resistance highlighted the deficits of their present leaders and the marginalisation which rural areas were continuing to experience. This history attests to the vitality and urgency of debates about identity in Vietnam. The main difficulty and danger discussed here is the exclusion of places from time. The ontological category of time is not the preserve of the social scientist, nor the national leader, but is constantly up for grabs in the negotiation of existence.

In that vein, the rich history this book explores, of excluding and retrieving the idea of southern Vietnam in relation to the time frame of modernity, is one that might be profitably explored by historians and anthropologists working elsewhere. In most towns, one would be approached by middle aged men wanting to practise their English in a variety of US regional accents. Cafes, bars and refreshment stands could be found in profusion in most cities to the south of this line and tapered off significantly in those to its north.

In all of these could be heard the luxuriant sounds of the musical outpouring of the —75 Republican era. Such background music was more prevalent and significantly louder in the South than in the North. With its mixtures of tangos and ballads, translations and rearrangements of hits from the s and s and themes of separation and longing, this ubiquitous soundtrack reminded one constantly of the distinct historical experience of the southern half of the country.

Travelling through the South Vietnamese countryside in the early s, one would hear the strains of vong co yearn for the past , the haunting refrain central to cai luong, a reformed genre of classical opera indigenous to the Mekong delta. The genre dates from the colonial period, and its domestication in the sense of becoming a home entertainment was given a significant boost with the proliferation of radios as a household item under the subsequent regime. In the cafes, bars and parks in urban areas one would be more likely than not to hear the slick, Orange County Sound—hits from the Republican era and post diaspora, re-recorded in California and smuggled back to Vietnam in the suitcases of overseas Vietnamese.

Indeed, much of the music heard in South Vietnam in the s consisted of re-recordings and rearrangements of Republican-era music. The dominance of the local music scene by the musicians of the diaspora reminded one of the dramatic socio-political rupture that had brought the Republic to an end and had sent more than a million of those affiliated with it in various ways overseas.

It seemed, in some places, that every fourth house operated as a low budget karaoke cafe. There, one could scarcely avoid listening to several amateur performers simultaneously ventilating life experiences of considerable sorrow with the aid of powerful amplifiers. The winning combination for a karaoke hit appeared to be lyrical themes of separation and sorrow set against exotic and opulent foreign visual backdrops. The video images which accompanied the overseas Vietnamese hai ngoai soundtracks sung by karaoke adepts frequently featured wellheeled, lovesick heroes walking along windswept cityscapes, or solitary nymphettes drifting past stunning natural scenery.

Many of the heartrending compositions which featured in such videos were of pre vintage. To a large extent the overseas Vietnamese musicians had not invented as much as selected from the musical repertoire of the Republic, those songs speaking to their contemporary condition. The ready availability of such works showed how central the themes of loss, separation and nostalgia had been to that earlier era. The Paris by Night music video series was hugely popular in Vietnam. These were video recordings of glittering concerts staged by the overseas community in which glamorous costumes and urbane MCs strove to capture the feel of late s Saigon.

While nostalgic, they also had an experimental side, straining to extract novelty from combinations of new curious elements. By bringing different cultural traditions into the Vietnamese orbit, the overseas Vietnamese were operating as Vietnamese equivalents of Paul Simon or David Byrne. In the s one could hear Western hits of months-old vintage translated into Vietnamese, rearranged, performed and produced in California, and exported for the rapidly expanding home-country market.

Yet this was not an unprecedented phenomenon. The impresarios of the s and s who had brought Western and Chinese musical themes to the Mekong delta via the cai luong reformed opera form exercised substantially the same function. The romantic music of the pre-World War II elite, nhac tien chien, echoed with the strains of Montparnasse and Havana. In the s the anti-war ballads of Trinh Cong Son drew influences from Bob Dylan, and the highly versatile composer Pham Duy included translations and rearrangements of Western music in his prodigious output. These two musical moods, of nostalgia and exoticism, serve as an apt overture to the themes of this chapter.

The task of understanding this society can now only be done through reconstruction, the patient collation of texts, memoirs and commentaries. The impulse to preserve, to salvage, came precisely at that moment when a sense of the inevitable extinguishment of cultural diversity was at its most compelling. Ironically, the exotic was, to an extent, the product of the imagination or dread of global homogenisation.

Yet nostalgia and exoticism had themselves been central themes of the vanished society whose traces haunted those who travelled in Vietnam south of the 17th parallel. Alternatively, the strong vein of nostalgia that contemporary music inherits from that era indicates that equally, there existed imaginative rejections or escape routes from those same processes of change. Grief at the separations and bereavements of war is particularly evident in the musical record of that era.

Such music was inspired by a sense of despair at intolerable ruptures and the regretful disappearance of a familiar way of life. Yet this proved to be evidence of nothing other than a modernist sensibility, a way of life that was itself oriented between the poles of exoticism and regret. Urbanisation, social engineering schemes, foreign development dependency, consumerism, the devastation of the countryside, were examples of the data redeemed in this anthropological project.

The paradox of such a predicament was explained by the introduction of a third modernism—that of the Vietnamese Communist Party. In the immediate post-war years, at the height of this program, the North was frequently described as being two decades ahead of the South: the duration this territory had remained under the political sway of the RVN. It also claimed to be its only true champion Bauman Having won power the communist successors to the RVN strove to expunge such a society, and all nostalgia for it, from the human record. In this, they had mixed results.

Indeed, the RVN is deceased, never to return. The ironic result was to preserve the sensibility of nostalgia that had infused Republican society in its day. This music was to return to its homeland and, in the s, it pervaded Vietnam—the lament of the unpropitiated soul of a victim of a violent and unusual death. Given the ubiquity and familiarity of these resonances from a bygone era one might question whether the taste for music had changed at all in the last thirty years.

It soon became apparent, however, that a preoccupation with the music of the s and s was a dynamic social response to events that had transpired more recently. The attempt to extend North Vietnamese political culture into the unfamiliar social terrain of the southern half of the country was accompanied by a sustained critique of the way of life associated with the former regime. Such criticisms were based on the assumption that the DRV, despite having unfolded under very different circumstances, embodied an authentic model for the newly united Vietnamese people.

These ideas were advanced during a period of particularly high administrative resolve. The party had just emerged victorious after years of war. The means that were employed to effect a transformation in southern society were similar to those that had brought the party to power. In the late s, these agents were mouthpieces of the new regime in the South, their productions informed by, and popularising, the party line.

The representations, issuing from the pens and typewriters of state employed intellectuals, set the co-ordinates of existence within which the population at large were to orient their lives. Its depictions of muscle-bound heroes standing in stances of implacable resolve suggested inevitable victory through some process of sympathetic magic.

Phuoc Tien 2014

In the years of peace which succeeded liberation, these bodily representations continued to be employed to orient the population towards challenges that remained military in conception. Accompanying such language, the erstwhile citizens of the Republic of Vietnam were introduced to the primary colours and chunky figures of socialist realist painting, and became attuned to the martial strains of PRC and Sovietinspired military marches which were to become the soundtrack to their struggle to emulate the modern heights attained by the DRV.

When official commentators focused on the nature of the challenges such idealised heroes faced, they not surprisingly depicted them in military terms. These differences gave rise to much published commentary. Fields singled out for discussion and criticism included patterns of settlement, economic modes, technologies, goods, services, religious practices, ideas, lifestyles, fashions, modes of speech and artistic genres. Departures from the model presented by the DRV were understood in context of the recently concluded hostilities. The interpretation through a military lens of two of such realms—commodities and popular music—illustrates this particularly well.

The market in commodities and the musical tastes of the southern population were indeed well established in the South, but were thought of as recent in origin. They were taken to symbolise anything but the product of a process of modernisation. Indeed they were considered as detrimental to that objective and in fact calculated to prevent its realisation. However, the pillar of the struggle, he argued, was the Vietnamese working class and the South Vietnamese peasantry. Characterised as the most exploited sections of society, this meant that their revolutionary will was the most resolute Vo Nguyen Giap They have met with difficulties and suffered losses, but on the other hand, they have seen even more clearly the cruel nature of the enemy, felt even deeper hatred for him and, with an iron will, they will fight to the end until final victory Vo Nguyen Giap However, it was the very efficiency of its mode of warfare that would logically prove its downfall.

This view celebrated war, the highest form of adversity, as forging in people the greatest possible capacity to see clearly and to experience self-determination. On the eve of communist victory in the South, there was some official recognition of the difficulties facing the revolutionary movement.

They acknowledged that for many, resistance had become irrelevant. The article vividly portrayed the plunge into despair of a fictional family driven by bombs out of their native village into an urban shantytown. Despite this bleak summation, the article concluded: neither Mr Hoa nor his children are lost forever. A PRG militant has only to call on him one evening to rouse in him an entire past, dormant ideas and feelings. The popular nature of the South Vietnamese struggle to bring down the RVN was affirmed in official speeches, newspapers and journal articles.

How completely has the face of southern society changed. This is a great victory for compatriots in the South and throughout our country Hoc Tap 16 April Articles in Hoc Tap, announced the popularity of this new orientation in the South. Discussions of the harmful legacies of two decades of US neo-colonialism focused on the obstacles they posed to post-war reconstruction. Commentators who questioned the spiritual resilience of the South Vietnamese population also reassessed the arsenal their former enemy had employed.

Such accoutrements of the US presence were particularly dangerous because they were held to have blinded people to the truth of their oppression and eroded their will to resist. The new regime systematically reduced what US critics of their own government considered symbols of a pernicious, messy and counterproductive process of modernisation Kolko ; Fitzgerald to the deadly and calculated potency of military weaponry.

In retrospect, far greater efficacy was attributed to the RVN than had been the case during the war. They have soiled the souls of millions of our young people Ha Xuan Truong b Hondas and four-wheeled motor vehicles threatened to displace pedestrians and cyclos in the streets of Saigon. Bicycles, radios and watches were common domestic accessories. Luxury goods of all descriptions jammed shop shelves and rural market stalls.

Cafes, bars and eating establishments lined the streets and clustered around markets, transport terminals and the intersections of roads and waterways. In this time of economic crisis, unemployed workers, ruined traders and former RVN soldiers filled the cafes, smoking imported cigarettes, drinking coffee, listening to taped music and furtively arranging illicit commercial transactions. The flaunting of southern consumer wealth was very often driven by desperation on the part of unemployed southern householders Long and Kendall However, from the perspective of the new authorities, the profusion of merchandise in the streets represented a provocation and an immense danger.

Northern soldiers had been told their southern cousins were starving and decimated by disease under the tyranny of the US presence. Some had even brought humble packets of food for relatives. Many were not long in adjusting to conditions in the South, becoming discerning buyers, adept hagglers and skilful intermediaries. Soon US, Japanese and Taiwanese goods began flowing northwards and the South became a highly sought after posting for soldiers and bureaucrats alike. Authorities took an aggressive line belittling the significance of such commodities.

The goods they display are terrible, it is stuff from the very bottom of the barrel. They have everything from once shiny hardware and art objects to old pieces of clothing hung up and dangling above them. Worse yet, some of these youths will even take off the clothes they are wearing to sell them. There is simply not enough space here to describe everything that goes on there! Nhi Phu Some people are proud that life here is a song with adequate timbres.

The author soon shed his disparaging tone as he described the experience of consumerism: Actually the shops have televisions and refrigerators and there are motor vehicles everywhere and this is very convenient. And we are impatient to buy the new things. Thus we run after commodities, a cross-country race with no barriers or time limits. We rush to commodities like moths rush to flames Hoang Nhu Ma Paragraphs later, not a trace remained of his coolly dismissive opening comments: The waves of commodities in this horrible ocean come in great numbers and exert a pull and people are attracted by and play in them until they are exhausted and sink.

Here, commodities are really cruel; they kill people without trembling and no one can avoid their claws and teeth Hoang Nhu Ma At the same time that northern cadres were discovering the perils of consumerist inundation, the southern population was being introduced to the language of economic mobilisation.

Requirements

Since liberation day, the South scored three successive good crops Saigon Giai Phong c. Its claim that only with the ending of one war could another be declared on a millennial enemy, placed its readers at the eye of a storm of violence. Today we can concentrate our forces on defeating our 1,year enemy—hunger—against which only now do necessary conditions exist for us to definitively declare war. As long as the food problem remains unsolved, the living standards of our people will inevitably remain low, and hunger may occasionally occur in some places.

Can we solve the food problem? The agricultural front throughout the country is seething with activity. Millions of people are rushing to the fields [words indistinct] to plow and transport on schedule and are pushing ahead with the water conservation movement in all parts of the country, resolutely advancing to solve the grain and food problem at all costs Nhan Dan 8 February Prices are about western level, which would put them, theoretically far out of the range of any Vietnamese.

But someone must be buying them Sydney Morning Herald 23 April Increasingly, urban markets assumed the stature of military adversaries in a struggle between the socialist and capitalist paths. It can be said that the fortresses don of the capitalist business forces led by the compradore bourgeoisie were mainly concentrated in this city.

Through actual experience, we have found that in an economy formed by many components, the market is a hot battlefield chien truong where a struggle between the interests of the labouring people and those of the bourgeoisie takes place every day and hour Tran Thanh It must be realized that Ho Chi Minh City cannot be a consumer and commercial city.

Ho Chi Minh City must be a producing city. Many people do not yet fully understand the great, profound, all-round revolutionary upheaval that is now taking place in our city, and do not yet realize that we are now eliminating the way of life that was dependent on the dollar and which, although there were many goods and conveniences, was a life of slavery paid for by the lives and many miseries of the people Saigon Giai Phong a. Commentators began to pay attention to the effects which the goods themselves had on the capacity of the population to heed the reformist exhortations of their new leaders.

A editorial in the Ho Chi Minh City newspaper Tin Sang identified the persistence of the private market in the city as a legacy of US military policy: At present, there are too many peddlers in our city. Groups of them can be seen everywhere. At some places, there are more sellers than buyers. This is not, as some mistakenly think, an indication of the prosperity of a city. Rather, it is nothing more than a situation that has existed since the period of US neo-colonialism.

During that period, the imperialists opened very many sources of goods in order to disorient the people and make the people forget their criminal acts Tin Sang 20 October